Projeto para o Novo Século Americano

O Projeto para o Novo Século Americano (em inglês, Project for the New American Century, PNAC) é um think tank neoconservador^[1] americano, estabelecido em Washington D.C. e ativo entre 1997 e 2006. Foi fundado como uma organização sem fins lucrativos no início de 1997, por William Kristol e Robert Kagan,^[2] com o objetivo declarado de promover a liderança mundial dos Estados Unidos. O PNAC tinha como princípio fundamental a ideia de que "a liderança americana é, ao mesmo tempo, boa para a América e para o mundo", apoiando "a política reaganiana de poderio militar e de transparência moral". A organização exerceu uma forte influência sobre os altos escalões do governo dos Estados Unidos durante os mandatos do presidente George W. Bush no que se refere ao desenvolvimento militar e da política externa, particularmente com referência à segurança nacional e à guerra do Iraque.

Das 25 pessoas que assinaram a ata de fundação do PNAC, dez fizeram parte da administração George W. Bush, incluindo Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld e Paul Wolfowitz.^[3]^[4]^[5]^[6] Observadores como Irwin Stelzer e Dave Grondin sugerem que o PNAC desempenhou um papel-chave na definição da política externa da administração Bush, angariando apoios para a guerra do Iraque.^[7]^[8]^[9]^[10] Por outro lado, acadêmicos, como Inderjeet Parmar, Phillip Hammond e Donald E. Abelson consideram que a influência do PNAC na administração George W. Bush tem sido exagerada.^[11]^[12]^[13]

O PNAC encerrou suas atividades em 2006;^[14] Foi substituído por um novo think-tank - a Foreign Policy Initiative- também fundado por Kristol e Kagan, em 2009.

O PNAC é uma organização polêmica. Muitos afirmam que o projeto propõe a dominação militar e econômica global, incluindo o ciberespaço, por parte dos Estados Unidos, assim como a intervenção dos EUA nos problemas mundiais.

O nome PNAC remete à expressão "Século Americano", que traduz a hegemonia política, econômica e cultural dos Estados Unidos ao longo do século XX, e projeta a manutenção dessa hegemonia durante o século XXI. Alguns especialistas^[quem?] concluem que a Guerra do Iraque de 2003, denominada "Operação Liberdade Iraque", é o primeiro grande passo para a consecução desses objetivos. Os atentados terroristas de 11 de setembro também teriam sido um ação executada por esta organização, fazendo parte desse plano, jogando o mundo contra os "terroristas" para assim poder atacar o Iraque sem enfrentar grande oposição interna, nos EUA, ou da comunidade internacional.^[^{carece de fontes?]}

Referências

↑
As seguintes fontes referem-se ao PNAC como uma organização neoconservadora:
- Albanese, Matteo (2012). The Concept of War in Neoconservative Thinking. [S.l.: s.n.] p. 72. Consultado em 22 de novembro de 2015
- Ryan, Maria. Neoconservatism and the New American Century. [S.l.]: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 1. Consultado em 22 de novembro de 2015
- Feldman, Stephen. Neoconservative Politics and the Supreme Court. [S.l.]: NYU Press. p. 67
- Brownstein, Ronald (17 de abril de 2003). «War With Iraq/Political Thought: Those Who Sought War are Now Pushing Peace». Los Angeles Times
- Greenberger, Robert S; Legget, Karby (21 de março de 2003). «Bush Dreams of Changing Not Just Regime but Region». Wall Street Journal
- Maddox, Bronwen (14 de julho de 2004). «Nation-Builders must not lose their voice». The Times
- Salvucci, Jim (25 de agosto de 2003). «Bush Uses Crisis to Push Preset Agenda». Baltimore Sun ^{[ligação inativa]}
↑ Site do Project for the New American Century. Acesso em 22 de novembro de 2015.
↑ Kenneth Christie (ed.). United States Foreign Policy and National Identity in the 21st Century, Routledge, 2008
↑ Max Boot, "Neocons", Foreign Policy No. 140 (Jan. - Feb., 2004), pp. 20-22+24+26+28
↑
Parmar, Inderjeet (2008). «Chapter 3: A Neo-Conservative-Dominated US Foreign Policy Establishment?». In: Christie, Kenneth. United State Foreign Policy and National Identity in the 21st Century. [S.l.]: Routledge. 46 páginas. ISBN 978-0-415-57357-3
- "Os 33 líderes do PNAC estavam altamente conectados com o Estado americano, com 115 conexões: 27 com o Departamento de Defesa, 13 com o Departamento de Estado, 12 com a Casa Branca, 10 com o Conselho de Segurança Nacional e 23 com o Congresso Americano." No original: The PNAC's 33 leaders were highly connected with the American state - displaying 115 such connections: 27 with the Department of Defense, 13 with State, 12 with the White House, 10 with the National Security Council, and 23 with Congress.
- "O PNAC pode ser considerado como fortemente integrado na máquina política e administrativa do poder nos EUA. Certamente, não é um outsider, nesse aspecto." No original: The PNAC may be considered strongly integrated into the political and administrative machinery of US power; certainly, it is not an outsider institution in this regard.'
↑
Funabashi, Yichi (2007). The Peninsula Question: A Chronicle of the Second Korean Nuclear Crisis. [S.l.]: Brookings Institution. ISBN 0-8157-3010-1
- "Of the twenty-five signatories of the PNAC's Statement of Principles... ten went on to serve in the George W. Bush administration, including Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, and Paul Wolfowitz, among others."
↑
Stelzer, Irwin (2004). Neoconservatism. London: Atlantic Books. p. 5
- (on PNAC, founded by Kristol): "Its other founders included Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, and Elliot Abrams, all of whom were destined for key positions in the Bush administration - with the exception of Kristol."
- "No one can doubt that PNAC was an important contributor to the Bush administration's foreign policy. To suggest, however, that it is a part of some secret effort to overthrow traditional American foreign policy is not true."
↑
Hammond, Phillip. Media, War and Postmodernity. [S.l.: s.n.]
- "Critics have made much of the fact that US actions after 9/11 seemed to follow neoconservative thinking on foreign and security policy formulated before Bush took office," p. 72.
- "In particular, Rebuilding American Defenses... is often cited as evidence that a blueprint for American domination of the world was implemented under of cover of the War on Terrorism," p. 72.
↑
Parmar, Inderjeet (2008). «Chapter 3: A Neo-Conservative-Dominated US Foreign Policy Establishment?». In: Christie, Kenneth. United State Foreign Policy and National Identity in the 21st Century. [S.l.]: Routledge. 49 páginas
- "It is often argued that the neo-cons hijacked the Bush administration - particularly through the influence of PNAC."
↑
Grondin, David (2005). «Mistaking Hegemony for Empire: Neoconservatives, the Bush Doctrine, and the Democratic Empire». International Journal. 61 (1)
- "There can be no question that the September 2002 'National security strategy of the United States of America,' announcing a Bush doctrine predicated upon military prevention, regime change, and enhanced defence spending, has been heavily influenced by neoconservative writings. Among these have been works published under the aegis of the 'Project for a new American century,' including Rebuilding America's Defenses (by Donald Kagan, Gary Schmitt, and Thomas Donnelly), and Present Dangers: Crisis and Opportunity in American Foreign and Defense Policy (by William Kristol and Robert Kagan)." pages 231-232.
↑ Parmar, Inderjeet (2008). «Chapter 3: A Neo-Conservative-Dominated US Foreign Policy Establishment?». In: Christie, Kenneth. United State Foreign Policy and National Identity in the 21st Century. [S.l.]: Routledge. 49 páginas
↑ Hammond, Phillip. Media, War and Postmodernity. [S.l.: s.n.]
↑ Abelson, Donald E. Capitol Idea: Think Tanks and US Foreign Policy. [S.l.]: McGill-Queen's University Press. pp. 218–219. ISBN 978-0773531154
↑ Ryan, Maria. Neoconservatism and the New American Century. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0-230-10467-3

Ligações externas

William Kristol; Robert Kagan. Kristol, William; Kagan, Robert. «Toward a Neo-Reaganite Foreign Policy» (PDF). Foreign Affairs. 75 (4): 18-32 julho-agosto de 1996

[1] As seguintes fontes referem-se ao PNAC como uma organização neoconservadora:
Albanese, Matteo (2012). The Concept of War in Neoconservative Thinking. [S.l.: s.n.] p. 72. Consultado em 22 de novembro de 2015

Ryan, Maria. Neoconservatism and the New American Century. [S.l.]: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 1. Consultado em 22 de novembro de 2015

Feldman, Stephen. Neoconservative Politics and the Supreme Court. [S.l.]: NYU Press. p. 67

Brownstein, Ronald (17 de abril de 2003). «War With Iraq/Political Thought: Those Who Sought War are Now Pushing Peace». Los Angeles Times

Greenberger, Robert S; Legget, Karby (21 de março de 2003). «Bush Dreams of Changing Not Just Regime but Region». Wall Street Journal

Maddox, Bronwen (14 de julho de 2004). «Nation-Builders must not lose their voice». The Times

Salvucci, Jim (25 de agosto de 2003). «Bush Uses Crisis to Push Preset Agenda». Baltimore Sun ^{[ligação inativa]}

[2] Albanese, Matteo (2012). The Concept of War in Neoconservative Thinking. [S.l.: s.n.] p. 72. Consultado em 22 de novembro de 2015

[3] Ryan, Maria. Neoconservatism and the New American Century. [S.l.]: Palgrave Macmillan. p. 1. Consultado em 22 de novembro de 2015

[4] Feldman, Stephen. Neoconservative Politics and the Supreme Court. [S.l.]: NYU Press. p. 67

[5] Brownstein, Ronald (17 de abril de 2003). «War With Iraq/Political Thought: Those Who Sought War are Now Pushing Peace». Los Angeles Times

[6] Greenberger, Robert S; Legget, Karby (21 de março de 2003). «Bush Dreams of Changing Not Just Regime but Region». Wall Street Journal

[7] Maddox, Bronwen (14 de julho de 2004). «Nation-Builders must not lose their voice». The Times

[8] Salvucci, Jim (25 de agosto de 2003). «Bush Uses Crisis to Push Preset Agenda». Baltimore Sun ^{[ligação inativa]}

[PNAC-2] Site do Project for the New American Century. Acesso em 22 de novembro de 2015.

[3] Kenneth Christie (ed.). United States Foreign Policy and National Identity in the 21st Century, Routledge, 2008

[BootFP-4] Max Boot, "Neocons", Foreign Policy No. 140 (Jan. - Feb., 2004), pp. 20-22+24+26+28

[Parmar_2008_46-5] Parmar, Inderjeet (2008). «Chapter 3: A Neo-Conservative-Dominated US Foreign Policy Establishment?». In: Christie, Kenneth. United State Foreign Policy and National Identity in the 21st Century. [S.l.]: Routledge. 46 páginas. ISBN 978-0-415-57357-3
"Os 33 líderes do PNAC estavam altamente conectados com o Estado americano, com 115 conexões: 27 com o Departamento de Defesa, 13 com o Departamento de Estado, 12 com a Casa Branca, 10 com o Conselho de Segurança Nacional e 23 com o Congresso Americano." No original: The PNAC's 33 leaders were highly connected with the American state - displaying 115 such connections: 27 with the Department of Defense, 13 with State, 12 with the White House, 10 with the National Security Council, and 23 with Congress.

"O PNAC pode ser considerado como fortemente integrado na máquina política e administrativa do poder nos EUA. Certamente, não é um outsider, nesse aspecto." No original: The PNAC may be considered strongly integrated into the political and administrative machinery of US power; certainly, it is not an outsider institution in this regard.'

[13] "Os 33 líderes do PNAC estavam altamente conectados com o Estado americano, com 115 conexões: 27 com o Departamento de Defesa, 13 com o Departamento de Estado, 12 com a Casa Branca, 10 com o Conselho de Segurança Nacional e 23 com o Congresso Americano." No original: The PNAC's 33 leaders were highly connected with the American state - displaying 115 such connections: 27 with the Department of Defense, 13 with State, 12 with the White House, 10 with the National Security Council, and 23 with Congress.

[14] "O PNAC pode ser considerado como fortemente integrado na máquina política e administrativa do poder nos EUA. Certamente, não é um outsider, nesse aspecto." No original: The PNAC may be considered strongly integrated into the political and administrative machinery of US power; certainly, it is not an outsider institution in this regard.'

[Funabashi_2007-6] Funabashi, Yichi (2007). The Peninsula Question: A Chronicle of the Second Korean Nuclear Crisis. [S.l.]: Brookings Institution. ISBN 0-8157-3010-1
"Of the twenty-five signatories of the PNAC's Statement of Principles... ten went on to serve in the George W. Bush administration, including Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, and Paul Wolfowitz, among others."

[16] "Of the twenty-five signatories of the PNAC's Statement of Principles... ten went on to serve in the George W. Bush administration, including Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, and Paul Wolfowitz, among others."

[7] Stelzer, Irwin (2004). Neoconservatism. London: Atlantic Books. p. 5
(on PNAC, founded by Kristol): "Its other founders included Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, and Elliot Abrams, all of whom were destined for key positions in the Bush administration - with the exception of Kristol."

"No one can doubt that PNAC was an important contributor to the Bush administration's foreign policy. To suggest, however, that it is a part of some secret effort to overthrow traditional American foreign policy is not true."

[18] (on PNAC, founded by Kristol): "Its other founders included Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, Paul Wolfowitz, and Elliot Abrams, all of whom were destined for key positions in the Bush administration - with the exception of Kristol."

[19] "No one can doubt that PNAC was an important contributor to the Bush administration's foreign policy. To suggest, however, that it is a part of some secret effort to overthrow traditional American foreign policy is not true."

[8] Hammond, Phillip. Media, War and Postmodernity. [S.l.: s.n.]
"Critics have made much of the fact that US actions after 9/11 seemed to follow neoconservative thinking on foreign and security policy formulated before Bush took office," p. 72.

"In particular, Rebuilding American Defenses... is often cited as evidence that a blueprint for American domination of the world was implemented under of cover of the War on Terrorism," p. 72.

[21] "Critics have made much of the fact that US actions after 9/11 seemed to follow neoconservative thinking on foreign and security policy formulated before Bush took office," p. 72.

[22] "In particular, Rebuilding American Defenses... is often cited as evidence that a blueprint for American domination of the world was implemented under of cover of the War on Terrorism," p. 72.

[Parmar_2008_49-9] Parmar, Inderjeet (2008). «Chapter 3: A Neo-Conservative-Dominated US Foreign Policy Establishment?». In: Christie, Kenneth. United State Foreign Policy and National Identity in the 21st Century. [S.l.]: Routledge. 49 páginas
"It is often argued that the neo-cons hijacked the Bush administration - particularly through the influence of PNAC."

[24] "It is often argued that the neo-cons hijacked the Bush administration - particularly through the influence of PNAC."

[10] Grondin, David (2005). «Mistaking Hegemony for Empire: Neoconservatives, the Bush Doctrine, and the Democratic Empire». International Journal. 61 (1)
"There can be no question that the September 2002 'National security strategy of the United States of America,' announcing a Bush doctrine predicated upon military prevention, regime change, and enhanced defence spending, has been heavily influenced by neoconservative writings. Among these have been works published under the aegis of the 'Project for a new American century,' including Rebuilding America's Defenses (by Donald Kagan, Gary Schmitt, and Thomas Donnelly), and Present Dangers: Crisis and Opportunity in American Foreign and Defense Policy (by William Kristol and Robert Kagan)." pages 231-232.

[26] "There can be no question that the September 2002 'National security strategy of the United States of America,' announcing a Bush doctrine predicated upon military prevention, regime change, and enhanced defence spending, has been heavily influenced by neoconservative writings. Among these have been works published under the aegis of the 'Project for a new American century,' including Rebuilding America's Defenses (by Donald Kagan, Gary Schmitt, and Thomas Donnelly), and Present Dangers: Crisis and Opportunity in American Foreign and Defense Policy (by William Kristol and Robert Kagan)." pages 231-232.

[ReferenceA-11] Parmar, Inderjeet (2008). «Chapter 3: A Neo-Conservative-Dominated US Foreign Policy Establishment?». In: Christie, Kenneth. United State Foreign Policy and National Identity in the 21st Century. [S.l.]: Routledge. 49 páginas

[12] Hammond, Phillip. Media, War and Postmodernity. [S.l.: s.n.]

[13] Abelson, Donald E. Capitol Idea: Think Tanks and US Foreign Policy. [S.l.]: McGill-Queen's University Press. pp. 218–219. ISBN 978-0773531154

[ryan-14] Ryan, Maria. Neoconservatism and the New American Century. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 0-230-10467-3

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